The continental divide in the Americas is by far more cultural than geographic. Gender bias is astonishingly more pronounced in North America than south of the border. Latin American males, the epitome of the “macho men”, are far more accepting of strong women who fight in a military unit or rise to the position of presidents and political leaders than their U.S. and Canadian counterparts.

Consider that in the combined history of Canada and the U.S.A., there has only been one woman Canadian Prime Minister and no woman U.S. President. Canada’s sole woman Prime Minister is Kim Campbell who served as 19th Prime Minister from June 25, 1993, to November 4, 1993. Campbell was the first, and to date, only female prime minister of Canada. Here in the United States for the first time in our history we have a female presidential candidate representing one of our major parties.

Yet in the Latin America / Caribbean region there has been eleven women that have risen to the position of president of their respective countries dating back to Isabel Peron of Argentina who became president when her husband Juan Peron died in office in 1974.

While it is difficult to pinpoint the exact reasons for this disparity in attitudes between both cultures, this post will explore the rise in political power by Latin American women through the guerrilla insurgencies they joined. The mere fact that women in Latin America have been allowed to join guerrilla armies and fight side by side with their male counterparts says something about how women are perceived in society. Compare that with the prevailing attitudes in North America, where women’s combat roles in the military is just beginning to be discussed and it becomes clear that gender biases in Latin America are less pronounced and less prevalent in certain areas of society.

Among the countries of Latin America that have made the largest stride in creating a more equitable environment for women have been the ones that have espoused Socialism in the last 50 years. Although it can be argued that pure Socialism and Communism have failed as political and economic models on a global scale, Latin American socialist countries have proven to be well ahead of North America in the empowerment of women not only in the military but also in politics.

Communist revolutionaries have traditionally depicted the ideal woman to be strong, able to undertake hard manual labor, bear arms, and become deeply involved in the advancement of the revolution. This ideal has allowed some Latin American women to rise within the ranks of guerrilla forces during the many civil wars and insurgencies in the region’s last 60 years, eventually transcending their guerrilla roles by entering politics and holding high ranking government roles. Perhaps the best known is Dilma Rousseff, current president of Brazil who following the 1964 coup d’état joined various left-wing and Marxist urban guerrilla groups that fought against the military dictatorship.

The mechanism allowing women to fight alongside of men or in women-exclusive fighting units became the type of validation and training process needed for advancement into senior officer positions within guerrilla forces and later in the political front. This form of proof of courage and performance under fire coupled with organizational and management exposure gave women the type of authentication needed for their male counterparts and eventually the electorate to take them seriously.


Celia Sanchez — second from front became the de-facto second in command after Fidel Castro in Cuba

Latin American women involved in guerrilla and insurgent movements of the 20th and 21st centuries date back to the Mexican revolution. However Cuba resurrected the practice of women combatants with the additional benefit to women by empowering them with stronger political and decision making roles

Women like Celia Sanchez who was considered to be one of the fiercest guerrilla fighters as well as one of the most intelligent and level headed decision makers within the Cuban revolutionary forces, eventually rose to being a de-facto second in command next to Fidel Castro.

Vilma Espín, fought alongside Fidel and Raúl Castro, later becoming Raúl Castro’s wife. Vilma became a prominent advocate of women’s rights and a powerful member of the Cuban Communist Party. Vilma who passed away June 2007 is highly revered by those who worked close to her in government. Although born to an affluent family in Santiago de Cuba and having obtained a university degree in chemical engineering Ms. Espin became involved in the opposition to Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista eventually joining the rebel army in the Sierra Maestra.


Although many women fought alongside of men during the Mexican Revolution (1910 to 1920) for the most part they were used as domestic help doing the cooking, cleaning, and mending of clothing. It wasn’t until the 1950’s and 1960’s that socialist insurgencies saw women in an entirely different light realizing the fighting and leadership potential that this half of the population possessed.

In 1994 the Zapatista movement or The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN), a revolutionary leftist political and militant group based in Chiapas, the southernmost state of Mexico came into existence.

Different insurgency movements have provided different levels of involvement for women. The tradition of using women in a dual role of guerrilla fighter and support personnel to the Mexican Revolution continued with the EZLN. This can be contrasted to the women fighters of the FARC or Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia who even today perform more of a fighting role alongside their male counterparts. In spite of the diminished fighting role assigned to women, the vast majority of Zapatista women express a sense of liberation and fulfillment never felt before.


In Nicaragua the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) fought against the government of Somoza from sometime in the early 1960’s until their victory in 1979. The war to victory was bloody and hard fought. Women played a crucial role as combatants as they fought side by side with their male counterparts. Today, Nicaragua ranks number 6 in the Global Gender Gap Index ahead of the United States ranking of number 20. Nicaragua also outperforms the U.S. in terms of the percentage of women in Parliament or Congress with 39.1% vs. 19.4% for the U.S.

The Sandinista’s attitude towards women during the war against the Somaza government is best described in an interview of Magda Enriquez, member of the Luisa Amanda Espinoza Nicaraguan Women’s Association (AMNLAE) which took place in 1989.

“In the liberation process we had one of our greatest learnings and our greatest teachings, which is that we didn’t come out and talk about equality, we demonstrated it in the battlefield. When we were at the barricades there was no difference as to whether you were a woman and he was a man, we were two fighters.”

The role played by Sandinista women combatants was unparalleled in any revolution up till that period of time. Women made up 40% of fighters in the FSLN and 6% were female officers with six women attaining the rank of guerrilla commander. By 1987 67% of active members of the country’s militia and 80% of all guards were women. An estimated total of 50,000 women nationwide.

Today many of the women who fought as guerrilla fighters hold positions of prominence with the Sandinista government. Elizabeth Rodríguez Obando, the head of the police academy. Martha Picado Aguilar, head of the Commission for Women and Children, was a Sandinista guerrilla fighter. She tracked military jeeps, helped at barricades and made molotov cocktails. Aminta Granera, Nicaragua’s current police chief.

Other women of prominence are:


The Colombian conflict began approximately in 1964 or 1966 between the Colombian government, paramilitary groups, crime syndicates and left-wing guerrillas such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), and the National Liberation Army (ELN). Currently all of these groups are locked in battle between themselves and the government. However the FARC and the ELN are the most notorious and prominent of all the combating groups. According to leaders of the FARC and ELN, their goals are to represent Colombia’s rural poor by seizing power through armed revolution, and establishing their form of Marxist government.

In the meantime more than 220,000 people are estimated to have been killed in the more than 50 years of conflict. Sadly 80% of these casualties are non-combatants. Additionally more than seven million people have registered with the government’s Victim’s Unit. For the most part these are people that have been internally displaced by the violence, kidnapped, threatened, injured by landmines or family members of those forcibly disappeared.

However not all the violence is perpetrated by Farc or ELN insurgents as it is estimated that half of all massacres of the past 30 years have been carried out by right-wing paramilitaries created to combat the Marxist insurgents.

In recent years FARC’s and ELN’s ideological goals have given way to the pursuit and establishment of criminal organizations mainly involved in the trafficking of cocaine, kidnapping and extortion. Its supporters tend to join more due to lack of employment than political ideology.

This trend puts in doubt the overall purpose and goals these guerrilla groups espouse. More importantly it questions what their behavior would be should they enter the political process through the signing of a peace treaty. The scorch earth tactics and total disregard for non-combatant populations they have so far exhibited might be a telling sign of how they would behave as congress members, governors, mayors, judges perhaps even presidents.

Currently it is estimated that 45% of FARC’s and ELN’s rank comprise of women and girls. The FARC in particular has long incorporated women into its ranks since having a mixed-gender army helps keep rebel soldiers on the battlefield longer. Both FARC and ELN as Marxist organizations, preach gender equality and practice it on the battlefield.

The fighting capability and fierceness exhibited by the women of these groups is well known and documented. They represent an interesting argument against the notion that female U.S. soldiers serving in combat cannot perform properly due to their perceived physical inferiority. Any Colombian government soldier who has encountered these women in combat will attest to their combat capabilities and fearlessness.

Marxist guerrilla organizations have indeed empowered the women they recruit into their ranks. However the trade off is that the women of the FARC and to some extend those in the ELN have become entangled and aligned with organizations that at best can be considered criminal and at worst genocidal sociopaths.

The true nature of these organizations was debouched when the Soviet Union collapsed and stopped the funding that kept them fighting. At that time both the FARC and the ELN aligned themselves with the “narco-producers and traffickers”, increased their kidnapping, extortion, and attacks on civilian populations; all for the purpose of raising funds in order to continue their revolutionary attempt to overthrow the government through forceful means. The same people they are murdering, kidnapping, extorting and forcing to relocate to safer areas, are the same people they purport to be fighting for.

This is the tragedy of having women fight amongst the ranks of the guerrilla forces. Hopefully a peace agreement can be signed soon and these women of the revolution living and fighting in the jungle can work their way back into society and use their skills to positively contribute to their country.

El Salvador

The Salvadoran civil war was a brutal and bloody confrontation between the military-led government of El Salvador and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), a coalition of five Marxist guerrilla groups. The civil war is thought to have officially started on October 15, 1979 when an attempted coup was brutally crushed by the government. The conflagration estimated to have killed more than 75,000 people, formally ended on January 16, 1992 when the Chapultepec Peace Agreement was signed by the combatants in Mexico City.

At this time the guerrillas surrendered their weapons and became a legal political party, which eventually led to the 2009 election to the presidency of Mauricio Funes of the FMLN. In the 2014 follow up election fellow FMLN member Salvador Sánchez Cerén and ex-commandant of the guerrilla revolutionary forces was also elected president.

The significance of this sequence of events is important to the many women that placed their lives on the line by joining the FMLN in the fight against the government. The importance comes in that the last two elections that brought FMLN members to the presidency should have created a means for the advancement of ideologically similar women within the political process. Unfortunately this has not been the case as the FMLN has so far neglected not only women’s needs but ex-guerrilla women as well.

Gender inequality is pervasive in El Salvador. Employment, health, education, political participation, and family life are areas where El Salvador lags behind globally. Although women in El Salvador have equal protection under the law, they are often at a disadvantage when compared to men in society. Gender inequality in El Salvador is reflected in the fact that a small percentage of women hold political office and are able to participate in the voting process.

Adding to gender inequality are El Salvador’s abortion laws which are among the most restrictive in the world. Even when a woman’s life is in danger, abortions are illegal. The penalty for getting an abortion can range from two to eight years if convicted and abortion practitioners can receive prison terms of six to 12 years.

Women in El Salvador are not only employed at a much lower rate than man, but also earn close to 12% less than their male counterparts earn for equal work. As women attain more education the disparity in earnings actually increases. Women with 10 to 12 years of education earn 15% less than their male counterparts.

Domestic violence against women is high with no sign of abatement. Out of tens of thousands of reported cases of abuse only 10% are investigated and only a handful of convictions are obtained. Recent studies have concluded that at least 26.3% of women in El Salvador have been the victims of some sort of physical or sexual violence from their partners.

It is difficult to fathom ex-rebel leaders who are now national political figured neglecting the very women that were crucial in their rise to power. Their myopic approach is puzzling. Their amnesia regarding the accomplishments of those women that represented 40% of their fighting and supportive roles goes beyond the pale. Hopefully change will come soon.

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